Thera Ships, Egypt and Homer

The main part of the paper, however, concentrates on the iconography of the pendants which hang from the garlands which decorate both the 'admiral's ship' on the south frieze and the ships' cabins in Room 4 of the West House. It can be shown that these repeat jewellery motifs associated mainly with necklaces which were often worn by warriors as emblems of high status. Particularly problematical is the interpretation of the tripartite bead type, which may represent either a flower (a crocus?) or an insect (a bee or perhaps more likely a fly). If the latter is the case, a comparison may be drawn with a specific type of Egyptian bead which was regarded as a symbol of bravery. The fly also appears as epitomising bravery in a Homeric simile (Iliad xvii. 569-573).

Before entering the discussion of the iconography of the ships' cabins from Room 4 of the West House, which will be the main topic of this contribution, let me briefly revert to an observation made in the paper I read at the Third International Congress on Thera and the Aegean world in 1989. This concerns Homeric sea battles.

HOMERIC SEA BATTLES

When I spoke on representations of naval fights in Aegean art and in Homer (Hiller 1990, 232-233), I felt there was a marked discrepancy between what is seen in the northern section of the miniature frieze in the West House on the one hand, and, on the other hand, what we read in Homer's description of Achilleus's shield, which is not concerned with maritime subjects. It should, however, be noted that naval attacks are also a theme of epic poetry, as can be seen in various passages from Homer. Such an attack must, in any case, have played an important role in the landing of the Greeks on the shore of Troy, although this is, admittedly, not a specifically Homeric theme but one narrated in the Cypria (cf. Morris 1989, 523). The fate of Protesilaos, who was the first Greek to leave his ship on this occasion and be killed by Hector, seems to have been an outstanding episode in this part of the epic cycle, and it is also mentioned by Homer (Iliad ii.698-699.; cf. also Iliad xv.705). Homer may have known epic songs which referred to this episode, for when he tells about the battle for the ships which takes place in the Greek camp on the Trojan coast (Iliad xv), or when he tells of the battle on the banks of the river Skamander (Iliad xxi), he introduces some details which seem more appropriate to a sea attack than a battle fought exclusively on land. Among these are the long ship pikes which are mentioned twice (Iliad xv.388-389, 677-678), one of which is explicitly said to be 22 cubits long. This extreme length reminds us just as much of the Thera painting (cf. also Sakellariou 1971, 13; Sali this volume) as when Homer speaks of slain warriors and weapons floating on the (river) waters (Iliad xxi.7-21, 300-302). As far as the helmsmen in the painting are concerned, we may compare Iliad xix.43, where we hear of helmsmen handling their helms; and when we hear of warriors marching in closed formation, shield to shield and helmet to helmet, and carrying their longest spears (Iliad xiv.373; cf. xiii.130-135), it is difficult not to recall the corresponding scene of the north frieze in the West House where warriors approach a city (cf. for this also Iliad xxii.3-4). Among the places in which sea attacks are mentioned as having happened by Homer, Egypt holds a prominent place (Odyssey xiv.245ff.).

Thus it can be concluded that scenes like those represented in the West House miniature frieze not only left their traces in the corresponding passages of the Iliad but were a common subject of epic poetry long before the days of Homer.

THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE SHIPS' CABINS AND THEIR CONNECTION WITH EGYPT

We have to leave Homer for a while and turn our attention to the representation of the ships' cabins or ikria. Presented in rather summary fashion on the southern section of the miniature frieze in Room 5 of the West House, they are shown in a detailed but yet monumental manner on the walls of Room 4 where they are apparently depicted almost full size. There can be no doubt that they refer in general to the topic of the 'flotilla frieze' in the adjacent room, as well as in particular to the status of the owner of the house. To some extent, they are what might be termed a kind of personal 'logo'. From a comparison of the 'flotilla frieze' with the ships' cabins in Room 4 (cf. Figs. 3a, 3b), it becomes obvious that there is a kind of hierarchy within the ships' cabins which reflects that of the ships themselves (cf. Marinatos 1983, 8; Morgan 1988, 143-144). While, as far as we can see, all other ships have cabins whose central vertical posts carry helmets, only the 'admiral's ship' (ναυαρχίς) is distinguished by posts ending in papyrus-like adornments. In addition to this, his ship is also singled out by a double garland which consists of round bead-like elements and flower-like pendants. This motif reappears among the full-size cabins of Room 4.

As has been shown by C.A. Televantou (1994, 131-134), nine ships' cabins originally adorned the walls of this room. They all have the same basic shape, while minor variations result from the different colours and designs of their 'wall-screens', as well as from different post-heads and from the different shapes of the beads and pendants which make up the garlands hanging between the posts. There are two different forms of post-heads, one of which (A: Fig. 4A) represents what is usually called the waz-lily symbol after the term introduced by A.J. Evans (1921, 509; 1928, 466, 480, 776 and passim; Morgan 1988, 23), while a second, more complex one (B: Fig. 4B) may be called a double waz-lily symbol. From these post-heads four different types of necklace-like garlands are suspended. The pendants of the first (a: Fig. 4a) and of the second (b: Fig. 4b) types repeat the waz-lily motif or the upper part of the double waz-lily symbol known from the post-heads; the third type (c: Fig. 4c) has the same shape as the garland pendants of the 'admiral's ship', and the fourth (d: Fig. 4d) consists of rosettes. Since, theoretically, each necklace type can be combined with each of the post-head types, there result, in all, eight different combinations of patterns.

As far as it is possible to tell from the preserved parts of the paintings in Room 4 (Fig. 1; cf. Televantou 1994, figs. 27, 35; Sali this volume, fig. 7), only seven of these eight possible combinations appear on the walls of Room 4. Whereas the combination post-head B (double waz-lily symbol) and bead type d (rosette) is lacking, the combination of post-head type B and bead type c is repeated twice (on ikria nos. 4 and 8). The missing combination (B:d) may have been represented, however, on no. 9 on the destroyed wall (cf. Fig. 1).

Whether these combinations have a particular significance or whether they are merely decorative designs is hard to say. However, what seems important is that the motifs depicted represent bead forms which are more or less common in Aegean Late Bronze Age jewellery. There is abundant material to demonstrate this for bead types a (cf. also A), b and d (cf. Fig. 5b-d); and while this is more difficult to prove in the case of the more complex double waz-lily motif of type (B), it, too, can be shown to have existed as a jewellery motif, as in a faience bead from the 'Temple Repositories' in the Palace at Knossos (Fig. 5a; Higgins 1980, 65; Morgan 1988, 23). Although neither the necklace-like garlands represented in connection with the 'admiral's ship' in the south frieze of Room 5 of the West House, nor those on the ships' cabins in Room 4 can represent real pieces of jewellery, their toreutic character is clear and unanimously accepted as such (Televantou 1994, 148-151; Laffineur here, vol. II).

Before commenting on the final motif, that of the garland pendants of the 'admiral's ship', we have to consider two aspects of the motifs mentioned so far. The first is the Egyptian associations of these motifs, which fall into the broader spectrum of more general associations to be detected between the Thera ships and Egypt (cf. also M.C. Shaw this volume). These include the cabin itself (Fig. 2a; Morgan 1978, 637; 1988, 141), as well as some of the symbols which appear on the ships' sterns (cf. Figs. 2b and 3a-b; Sakellarakis 1992, fig. 108), while an Egyptian inspiration has also been posited for the event which is depicted in the 'flotilla frieze' (cf. Sakellariou 1980; Polinger Foster 1988). That the waz-lily symbol is the result of Egyptian inspiration (a view shared by many scholars, i.a. Bielefeld 1968, 29; Warren 1985, 201; Televantou 1994, 151) emerges from its specific shape as well as from its conventional name. The rosette, which is a very widespread motif, is just as much at home in Egyptian as in Aegean iconography. It is thus by no means at variance with a supposed general Egyptian background for our series of necklace-like garlands which adorn the ships' cabins.

The second aspect worth pointing out in this connection is that of the gender of those who wore such necklaces. Although it is not a new insight, it is worth stressing again here that necklaces consisting of comparable elements are not only worn by women but also by males of high status, including warriors. This is clear from pictorial representations, such as the famous so-called 'Priest-King relief' from Knossos (whose male character is, in my opinion, beyond question), as well as from several unequivocal tomb contexts (cf. Bielefeld 1968, 16-18; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1985,205-207; 1988, 163). As a result of this observation it has been repeatedly stated that these necklaces served as symbols of high status and carried some significance of rank (cf. Karo 1915, 175; Marinatos and Hirmer 1959, 61; both of whom use the term 'Ordensketten'). As such, they are certainly appropriate, not only as adornments of a captain's or admiral's lodging, but also as symbols of his elevated position and high dignity.

The final motif, that of the pendants of the garlands on the admiral's ship (Fig. 4c), is more difficult to determine. What we see on the ikria paintings is a three-lobed object, the lateral lobes of which are of a different colour from the middle lobe. This motif also exists within the broad spectrum of Late Bronze Age Aegean jewellery beads (Fig. 5e). Here, however, we corne across a problem, for whereas C.A. Televantou (1994, 155; similarly, i.a. Morgan 1978, 632; 1984, 166; 1988, 29) calls the painted version a 'crocus', the corresponding jewellery motif is called a 'bee' by R. Higgins (1980, 79 fig.13.31, 82).

Given the strong stylisation of the motif, at first sight neither of these interpretations can be excluded. Since the other motifs of the ikria garlands are clearly drawn from vegetation, an analogous interpretation of the motif in question as a stylised crocus flower may to some extent seem preferable. However, that motifs based on fauna are just as common in jewellery as those based on floral designs is clear from the necklace worn by the enthroned goddess in Xeste 3. Furthermore, an interpretation of this motif as a crocus flower becomes less likely - although not impossible - when it is compared with representations of crocus flowers on painted walls or vases (Fig. 6): their much broader outline suggests that these are related to our motif only in a distant way. Further doubts are caused by the complete lack of stamens which are usually an essential part of pictorial representations of crocus flowers in both Minoan and Mycenaean art (cf. Furumark 1941, 137, 260; Walberg 1988, 214-215). The same absence of stamens can also be observed in cases where the motif appears as part of the pictorial representation of a necklace, as, for example, on a fresco fragment from Knossos, where the characteristic shape of the motif is also shown without any indication of stamens (Evans 1928, 680, fig. 430a; Effinger 1996, 65). Also comparable in their lack of stamens are the hieroglyphic sign no. 159 bis (Olivier 1996, 37) and Linear A/B no. 122 (Fig. 6a), the latter of which was originally thought by A.J. Evans (1909, 213-214) to represent a crocus but which is now known to denote olives. These objections apart, crocus flowers would hardly be suitable for making flower garlands - although this, of course, does not necessarily preclude the use of the motif in this way by artists.

It has to be acknowledged, however, that the so-called 'pendant' motif of LM IB/LH II vase painting (Fig. 6g; Furumark 1941, 149, 331-332; Morgan 1984, 166-171; 1988, 31; Mountjoy 1993, 51; Müller 1997, 124-126) exhibits a certain resemblance to the corresponding bead type. Since the painted version shows stylised stamens, this might suggest that the bead type itself should be regarded as either related to or descended from the crocus flower motif; although, since the motif appears later in vase painting than on frescoes, it is perhaps more likely that the version found on vases is merely an adaptation of its fresco counterpart. Some further, rare examples of crocus-like motifs found in vase painting which do not belong to the pendant pattern (cf. Warren 1997, 162, fig. 12 fourth row on left; Pantelidou 1975, pl. 22d) clearly derive from the iris flower motif (Furumark 1941, 260, fig. 33 motif 10A). There are, as far as I can see, no certain examples of crocus flowers represented without stamens - an observation which argues against an interpretation of the garland beads from the admiral's ship as toreutic versions of crocuses. The development of the original, simple trilobate bead type (Fig. 5e; cf. also Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985, pl. 38:10; Pantelidou 1975, pl. 28:4) into a kind of hybrid flower by the curious addition of decorative elements in the form of multiple crescents which close the flower calyx (Fig. 5g-h), and which were obviously taken from the representational scheme of the papyrus flower, betrays, on the one hand, an evident lack of consciousness as to its concrete meaning on the part of the goldsmiths while at the same time indicating that they perceived it as having a floral character.

Unfonunately, R. Higgins (1980) has not given a more detailed commentary on his interpretation of the motif (Fig. 5e) as representing a bee. However, the long tradition of insect representations in Aegean art may be adduced in support of this identification. Pendants in the form of insects already appear in EC II (Fig. 7a-b; Thimme 1976, 130, Abb. 105 right) and in MM I contexts (Fig. 7c; Sakellarakis and Sapouna-Sakellaraki 1991, 102, fig. 76); and the motif is also attested in the repertoire of signs ofthe so-called Hieroglyphic writing system (Fig. 8: sign no. 21; Olivier 1996, 17, 198-199, 333). Insects are also encountered as jewellery motifs in the Late Bronze Age. Examples include the insects represented on an outstanding finger ring from Thebes in Boiotia (Fig. 7e; Philippaki, Symeonoglou and Pharaklas 1967, 228, pl. 160e; Buchholz and Karageorghis 1971, no. 1356) and on a gold ornament (pendant?) said to have come from Crete in the British Museum (Fig. 7f), the latter compared by R. Higgins (1979, 61, fig. 61) to pieces from the Aigina treasure, although an Early Iron Age date cannot be exduded (Marshall 1911, 104-105 no. 1239; cf. i.a. Coldstream and Carling 1996 I, 160 no. 16; II, 542; III, fig. 153:107f.16). Also of insect shape are further examples of gold ornaments from an LH tomb at Athens (Fig. 7d; Pantelidou 1975, pl. 45:6). In these cases the types of insects remain uncertain: flies seem just as possible as bees.

A general resemblance between these latter examples (Fig. 7d-f) and the bead type under discussion (Fig. 5e) is apparent in their tripartite scheme which consists of the body proper framed by the two wings. The tripartite scheme is, however, less obvious in instances where only the wings are represented without a body, as is the case with the Early Cycladic examples and the MM I seal from Archanes (Fig.7a-c). Hieroglyphic sign no. 77 (Olivier 1996, 17, 373-374), Linear A/B sign no. 39 (Godart and Olivier 1985, XXXIV; Fig. 8b-c) and pendants of gold sheet from Pylos (cf. Blegen et al. 1973, fig. 190:16) may also come under this category.

It is the bipartite type which occurs in Egypt, where a considerable number of fly-shaped pendants are known, which regularly form part of precious necklaces (cf. Fig. 9a-b; Hayes 1990 II, 182, fig. 101; Museen der Stadt Wien 1994, 239 no. 300). It is well known that these were bestowed by the Pharaoh on military leaders who had distinguished themselves by outstanding bravery. These necklaces closely resemble the festoons from Thera.

Following upon the above consideration of the Egyptian background of the bead type which shows the 'waz-lily' symbol, and in view of the fact that in the Aegean Late Bronze Age golden necklaces of a similar kind were worn as emblems of status by high functionaries and warriors, the question arises whether the pendant motif of the 'admiral's ship' and of the corresponding ikria represents either an extremely stylised insect (fly or bee) or a later, possibly formally degenerate version of such an insect, the specific meaning of which is no longer fully understood. Since both the other ships of the flotilla frieze and the 'admiral's ship' carry warriors whose helmets hang above their heads in the passengers' cabin, the warlike background of the scene is evident (Morgan 1988, 131; cf. also Kilian-Dirlmeier here, vol. II; Marinatos here, vol. II). A garland whose pendants represent a symbol of bravery and which, at the same time, distinguishes the 'admiral's ship' in an exclusive manner, would at any rate be more appropriate in this context than a mere flower motif which, as the well known wall painting from Xeste 3 shows, is associated mainly with the female sphere. That the theme of this wall painting is not unique, but that it reflects a kind of pictorial topos, is shown by the well known fresco fragment of the crocus-gatherer from Knossos and by another fresco fragment from Tiryns (Rodenwaldt 1912, pl. II:7), both of which reflect or repeat the subject found in Xeste 3. On the whole, it seems that the crocus motif belongs to the women's sphere rather than that of men or warriors (cf. also Marinatos 1987; Douskos 1980; Morgan 1988, 29).

We may end our considerations with a further glance at Homer. This also gives us a welcome opportunity to recall the profound scholarship of S. Marinatos who, long before he uncovered the West House frescoes, commented on the Homeric simile in which Menelaos is compared to a fly (Iliad xvii.569-573) as follows (Marinatos 1951, 129): "Many mercenaries must have reached Nubia before their later descendants, serving under Psammetichus II, carved their Greek inscriptions at Abu Simbel on the colossus of Rameses II. Without the knowledge of the mentality of such mercenaries, it is impossible to understand the odd simile in which the courage of Menelaus, when he is defending the fallen Patroclus, is compared to that of the fly. For this also is an Egyptian view. In that land flies and fleas are a scourge because of their great numbers and harassing persistence, as ancient Egyptians and modern Egyptologists mention frequently. The fly was considered a model of courage and bravery: a special decoration, 'the Golden Fly', was awarded by the Pharaoh to those who had displayed bravery on the field of battle. Only in the light of this concept can we understand why Menelaus was not ridiculed in the simile of the poet, as would be the case in Modern Greek, where the appellation fly is given to cowardly and worthless persons."

Finally, although the above considerations may not be able to resolve the ambiguity of the motif discussed in this paper, and whatever its meaning may be, a closer look at it cannot help but contribute to our understanding of the frescoes in both Rooms 4 and 5 of the West House.

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