Plants Chosen to be Depicted on Theran Wall Paintings: Tentative Interpretations

INTRODUCTION 

The wall paintings from Thera are one of the many categories of data which encourage the use of interdisciplinary approaches. In this paper, the intention is to study aspects of floral use in order to extract information concerning the symbolic, economic and social use of plant species. Tentative identifications have been ably tackled in the past by various scholars, and the intention here is, in the first place, to pull together all this bank of information and add the insight of archaeobotany. Secondly, some questions concerning the environment(s) are touched upon. The most important contribution, however, is contained in the exceptional preservation and contextual wealth of the wall paintings. Akrotiri provides detailed information on their relationship to the architecture and to the artefacts, and it is thus possible to visualise the human environment in and for which the artist painted. The site offers an unprecedented opportunity to follow his or her trains of thought, the decipherment of which is facilitated by the 'completeness' of the paintings. This, in turn, leads us to the third stage of study, which is the extraction of economic and social information, such as that provided by an investigation of the organisation of labour in connection with the collection of saffron. Although, by and large, the wall paintings are studied here in isolation from the detailed information about their contexts,⁽¹⁾ nevertheless my intention is to take on the role of advocatus diaboli by divesting them of their religious symbolism, in order to see what can be detected regarding the management of the Bronze Age environment, economy and society insofar as it relates to the exploitation of plants.

THERAN WALL PAINTINGS: PLANTS DEPICTED

The plants depicted on the wall paintings belong to a specific repertoire which seems potent with symbolic meaning. Without doubt, it represents those aspects of the environment that the artist wishes to depict. Plants are not only used decoratively, but constitute a form of symbolism (semiosis) in the painting, a type of communicational 'visual concept' expressed in a code which has meaning to the recipient. This symbolism is "conventional and regulated by culture, it is a sign by virtue of some law or rule" (Gottdiener 1995, 12). These 'signified' messages, of course, were expressed and received in relation to various aspects of life,⁽²⁾ only one of which would have been the religious aspect.

This symbolic meaning could either be imposed from without, like the repeated iconographical themes which are found over a wide area, or else it could derive from the mind's eye of the artist, his vision and words transformed into a visual syntax. Thus, the plants of the wall paintings could either be part of an accepted iconographic repertoire (an accepted symbolic language) and refer to other known or imagined environments in order to emphasise the 'signified', or else they could relate to the artist's personal iconographic language and use symbols from the Theran environment in general. These form a body of chosen data which relates to the semiotic language of the artist and his or her society, in such a way that the 'signified' is Aegean but the style (the dialect) is local (Theran). However, other plants which undoubtedly belong to these environments are consistently not depicted. The wall paintings, therefore, give us the conceptual environment, which is tinged by cultural concepts ('signifiers'). This is the reason why the repertoire of Aegean iconography is precise and repetitive, exhibiting a type of κοινή' (Doumas 1985, 33-34) between areas which interacted culturally. Most of the flowers chosen for depiction have bulbs (lilies, crocus) which surely imply a strong symbolism),⁽³⁾ or else they flower in spring/early summer (lilies, Cistus, palm trees) or autumn/early winter (Crocus cartwrightianus, or palm trees (Phoenix sp. which fruit then)).

This 'stifled' (because of its potent symbolism) iconography surely applies, to a great extent, to paintings which belong to architectural spaces connected with 'religious' issues, i.e. the lustral basin in Xeste 3 and Xeste 3 in general. ⁽⁴⁾ In other buildings, however, such as the West House which I believe represents a typical urban, well-to-do LB I Akrotiri house,⁽⁵⁾ the plant life contains a semiotic meaning related to some kind of symbolism, which I believe refers to mental abstractions. For example, the lilies,⁽⁶⁾ and particularly the red lilies, could refer to eroticism/love and by extension symbolise male and female relations.⁽⁷⁾ Saffron gathering may have symbolised youth, and the reeds around a city (south wall, Departure Town IV, according to Televantou (1994)) may have symbolised a 'wall' or the difficulty involved in approaching it. It might also have recalled some known city with marshland surrounding it,⁽⁸⁾ and thus have brought the name of a particular city to the mind of a local viewer. The naval 'expedition' possibly refers to a known event (Morris 1989): a war, a 'naval festival' or even perhaps a 'ίερός γάμος'.⁽⁹⁾ In other words, it is a visual narration of a real event, whether repetitive (in the form of a yearly festival; Morgan 1988, 154), or a single venture (a victorious naval expedition). There is a blatant symbolism in the connection between the elements of sea and sea travel and the 'owner' of the West House. These elements recur in the motif of the 'captain's cabin' (Room 4) and further underline this symbolism, which is reinforced by the rest of the archaeological context of the West House wall paintings. ⁽¹⁰⁾

LILIES ¹¹

In this context, I believe that the 'red lilies' motif is not just another decorative theme. It must 'signify'some potent meaning. The two instances where it occupies the central theme at Akrotiri are the West House, Room 4, on the window jambs (west wall) and Delta 2, the lilies with swallows. Other representations on dresses and so forth will not be considered here. ⁽¹²⁾ The fact that the lilies seem to combine characteristics of two species of lilies, the white Madonna lily (Lilium candidum L.) and the red martagon lily (L. chalcedonicum L.),⁽¹³⁾ is an indication, I believe, of the semiotic significance of the plants and the complexity of their symbolism. It is most probable that the symbolism of some plants transcends time and that - as today - Madonna lilies represented purity, while scarlet flowers represented 'πόθος'. This dual meaning may have been embodied in the representation of red lilies in Aegean iconography. Room 4 of the West House is believed to have been a 'private' area of the house (Μichailidou 1990 and in press) and somewhat similar to Room Delta 2.⁽¹⁴⁾ Both may have been bedrooms⁽¹⁵⁾, the latter perhaps incorporating a more 'social' aspect, possibly as a room for 'symposia'. Both opened onto 'social' spaces, the first onto a 'living room' (Room 5, West House)⁽¹⁶⁾ and the other onto Room Delta 21 (Palyvou 1999, fig. 22a), a room connected with food preparation.¹⁷ Seen in this light, the lilies suddenly acquire a 'signifying' effect, and most probably a symbolic meaning. Looking at the wall paintings we cannot help being affected by all this freshness of love (red lilies, love scenes of swallows) and filled with a feeling of spring (the time of the flowering of lilies and the coming of swallows).⁽¹⁸⁾; and we are inclined to imagine that it might perhaps represent a 'room of bodily pleasure'. Whereas the lilies of Room 4 in the West House are well organised and arranged (in a vase), and represent order and restraint (a settled household), the lilies of Room Delta 2 are growing in a rugged and rocky landscape and might represent a mixture of delicate feelings (love, purity) encroaching on societal ruggedness/harshness (ephemeral love). The red lilies, representing purity, love, the 'spring' of feelings (if one's feelings can have 'seasons'), would have been a theme very well suited to a private space, such as a bedroom. After all, the symbolism of red flowers presented to a loved one may well have transcended time.⁽¹⁹⁾

CROCUS CARTWRIGHTIANUS

Crocus cartwrightianus is the plant depicted par excellence in Xeste 3. It is found in only one other place, in Sector Beta, Room Beta 6, and the way in which it is depicted here is, to my mind, potent with meaning. The saffron flowers (F14) are flanked by calves (Doumas 1992, 111, 125).⁽²⁰⁾ This, in itself, carries the symbolism of preservation, since they frame the flowers and look in opposite directions, as if guarding them. We know that animals love eating crocuses and would browse on them if left unattended. Therefore, the flanking of the plants might, I believe, denote a conscious effort to preserve the flowers from being eaten; and this might be giving us an indication that the saffron crocuses were deliberately not allowed to be browsed during their flowering period. Although one might guess that it might have happened in the past, Room Beta 6 explicitly shows us, nevertheless, that it was part of a conscious policy. This, of course, would have created logistic problems for husbandry. It would have meant that animals browsing in the area where the crocus was growing would have had to be transferred elsewhere during the time of the flowering of the crocus - that is, for approximately one month in the autumn.⁽²¹⁾ This presupposes an authority to implement this transfer and to be able to provide other areas for browsing, unless the herders supplemented their income by crocus collecting and consequently accepted the inconvenience of being displaced from their pasture or even of stalling their animals for the month.

I will not expand on the religious symbolism of the wall paintings of the crocus gatherers in Room 3a, first floor, and the three ladies from the lustral basin, as this has been very thoroughly studied and discussed by N. Marinatos (1984b; 1987) and other scholars. Yet I believe that, beyond the metaphysical symbolisms which they surely represent, these also symbolise and inform us about various practical aspects of Theran crocus gathering. One important piece of information is the evidence for the physical environment of gathering, which was a rocky and mountainous landscape and, therefore, tells us that we are dealing with wild saffron crocuses and not domesticated ones.⁽²²⁾ Another proof of wildness is the portrayal of the crocuses themselves which are shown protruding in the midst of a 'bush', particularly since we know that the saffron crocus has small, thin leaves, quite different from what is depicted (Fig. 5:II). The painter wanted to show what exists in real life in the wild,⁽²³⁾ and that is a garrigue-type bush such as thyme which would enclose crocuses growing through them, just as they very often do in reality (Fig. 9). This is a naturalistic portrayal of real life in the wild, and does not in any way depict cultivation of the crocus. I strongly believe, therefore, that we are dealing with C. cartwrightianus and not C. sativus.

The social information which can be inferred is also very important. The age group participating seems to be relatively young (Davis 1986; Withee 1992). On the first floor of Xeste 3 Room 3a, the artist is eloquent when he places the younger collector⁽²⁴⁾ actually hanging from the rock. This is clarified when one witnesses saffron picking today on Santorini. The ones who coordinate the saffron gathering are not exposed to the danger of slipping from rocks, and are portrayed holding a small basket (Room 3a, first floor). They seem to belong to a rather older group,⁽²⁵⁾ as does the one offering the crocuses to the goddess. It seems, therefore, that there are intermediaries between the actual 'intensive' gatherers, the young girls, and the older (but still young) women who 'supervise' and coordinate the gathering. The goddess seems to belong to yet another age group - the fourth stage of maturity (Davis 1986, 401) - but is still youthful,⁽²⁶⁾ and is quite close in age to the three ladies in the 'lustral basin'. The only connection of these last with crocus gathering is that the artist painted the same landscape with rocks and crocuses, and therefore seems to have wished to make quite clear that they are geographically connected. The religious symbolisms contained in this picture will not be discussed here, as they have been tackled thoroughly by N. Marinatos (1984b).

The economic information is also very interesting and implies that crocus gathering, possibly for the purposes of trade, was an organised venture, in which, it seems, most - if not all - women of all ages participated, and in which each age group had its particular role to play. As it is very intensive work which has to be concluded in a relatively short period of time before the crocus flowers wither, it demands precision in the allotment of collecting tasks. Younger girls (adolescents?) collected crocuses from hazardous areas, and these were accompanied by older, but still young, women who coordmated the collection using special baskets. These baskets⁽²⁷⁾ were probably a measure of volume of the actual collection, and thus would have provided a fairly precise indication of the final quantity of saffron produced. The baskets would then have been taken to a specific location, for example to the goddess or to the temple, as flowers, and only at this central point would the petals have been separated from the styles⁽²⁸⁾ and stamens. This last stage seems to have been controlled by a central authority, be it a goddess, a temple or a secular control (for example a high ranking woman or guild), as the separation of the petals from the styles and the stamens would have demanded a large and intensive work force. The indication is that the older - but still young - women (symbolised by the goddess) could have coordinated and controlled this work force, as at this stage of the work no physical strain is demanded. The depiction of the woman offering a basketful of flowers to the goddess implies that the crop is brought in to a central collecting point, still unprocessed. 

This is the first and only time in Aegean prehistory that all of the chain of labour connected with the gathering of saffron is displayed. In it, the artist portrays the tasks realistically, but probably exaggerates the decorative details. None of the women could have gone to pick crocuses in such richly adorned dresses, which were surely quite out of the question for such a task; though such dresses may, on the other hand, 'signify' that only women of certain social rank were acceptable as saffron gatherers. Be that as it may, the wall paintings impart invaluable environmental, social and economic information about the various stages of labour. The information we are missing concerns the actual processing of the flowers once they were collected, but here again the artist is eloquent in stating that it is a task done behind closed doors (the monkey) and thus controlled (not visible to everybody). Could it mean that all of the female members of society were hired or forced to contribute towards the collection of saffron, or that only some women provided direct labour for central collection, whilst other Theran women collected independently and took their crop, either as flowers or as dried saffron, to sell or barter at the central collecting point? Whatever the case, we can hypothesise that - if Thera was exporting saffron as a condiment, dye or aromatic herb - at a certain point in the chain of production, probably at the final stage, the processing needed to be conducted in an organised, controlled and probably centralised manner. However it was done (and there is no way of knowing these details at present), most Theran women must have been involved in one way or another, since an enormous work force is required to gather, process and dry the material before sale. This information in itself provides some insight into the economic control that women must have had, especially as men were ostensibly excluded from this task.

To conclude, one can claim that the environmental information provided clearly tells us that the saffron is wild, and gives us some insight into its ecological niche - which is very similar to the present landscape of Thera, especially in places where saffron crocus is collected today. The economic and social information is indirectly contained in the age symbolisms, whereby women of all age groups were involved in the various aspects of crocus processing, from actual collection to coordinated transport and, finally, to the production of the dried orange styles and yellow stamens. The final stage, the actual separation of all Theran flowers from the three orange styles and the three yellow stamens might have been done at a central control point such as the temple, the 'αρχόντισσα' representing a guild; or else part of this work could have been carried out independently in private areas. The large quantities⁽²⁹⁾ which are needed to produce the dye⁽³⁰⁾ or aromatic substance such as perfume, or as food condiments or even medicinally, demand a coordinated, intensive and fairly large female work force; and this is precisely why the Therans seem to have prized all female age groups and allocated chores according to the capabilities of different ages. This economic control, seemingly held by women, must surely have affected the social status of women which on Thera can hardly have been negligible.

CISTUS SP. (Cf. C. INCANUS L. subsp. CRETICUS (Fig. 5:VII)

It is interesting to note that Cistus or wild rose (Rosa sp.) is depicted only once on Thera, in Xeste 3. In Room 3b on the first floor, there are female figures, one of whom holds a bouquet of rock roses or roses (F 8) according to different interpretations. Both roses and rock roses are indicative of rocky and uncultivated ground and, in the case of the latter, probably also of the practice of ladanum collecting. It is known that cistus exudes a gum, ladanum, which is collected in dry weather by dragging a rake-like implement through the bushes. This dark brown gum is fragrant and is used in perfumes and medicines. It could also be used as a dye.⁽³¹⁾ Could it be that the owners of Xeste 3, whether it was a religious centre or a civic building, were central to the organisation of labour related to plant collection and, perhaps, production of perfumes, dyes and other craft industries? A woman in 3b, belonging to one of the oldest age categories,⁽³²⁾ holds a bordeau red cloth on her left arm and a yellow cloth on her right. As these scenes belong to the same suite of rooms as the 'goddess' and the crocus gatherers and are therefore iconographically connected, these pieces of cloth could represent the most important product through which saffron is traded, and by extension might represent the products which Xeste 3 produces: saffron dye, cistus dye(?),⁽³³⁾ aromatic substances(?) from all three plants (i.e. saffron, cistus and rose) for perfumes.

PHOENIX SP. (Fig.7:XI; Fig.8:VIII,X,XI)

The palm was considered a religious symbol by the Egyptians, and could possibly have been a symbol of cult for the Minoans and inhabitants of the Cyclades.⁽³⁴⁾ The Theran wall paintings have produced, in my opinion, two species of palm tree. One palm from a fragment from Sector A (F 17) and two palms from the east frieze (West House) (F 5) seem to belong to Phoenix dactylifera, the date-palm (Negbi 1978, 649). The artist has tried to portray details of the female and the male trees. As for the other palms, it is impossible to tell whether they are small trees of P. dactylifera or else belong to other species such as P. theophrasti⁽³⁵⁾ or Chamaerops humilis (Morgan 1983, 96). What can safely be said, however, is that, whatever the species, they are tended rather than left to grow wild. The lower leaves have been cut. This is noticeable, especially amongst young trees; had they not been cut, the trunk would have been concealed by a mass of dead fronds (Rackham 1978, 757). The scene, therefore, probably portrays a park or area which the inhabitants tend for some reason (Morgan 1983, 95; 1988, 28; 1990, 257), possibly religious (it contains some unrealistic animals). Although it has been called a 'Nilotic landscape' or 'sub-tropical', it is a landscape and vegetation which could well have existed in Greece (e.g. Warren 1979; Gesell 1981; Morgan 1988; MacGillivray 1990).⁽³⁶⁾ The only element which argues against the possibility of its being on Thera is the presence of a river, although summer dry beds can be turned into seasonal winter rivers.

CYPERUS PAPYRUS (Fig. 4:I, Fig. 7:XI, Fig. 8:VII)

As Warren (1976) claimed, the papyrus plant can grow in Greece⁽³⁷⁾ and is currently naturalised in Sicily. It could, therefore, have been planted in Greece in the Bronze Age. It is portrayed in the east frieze (West House) (Φ 33, Φ 17, Φ 24) and in the House of the Ladies (F 10), although the picture in Baumann (1993, 174) of pressed Pancratium maritimum is so similar to the painting that one might be tempted to ascribe it to the latter. The dark colour of the plants/flower depicted on Thera and the tradition of Aegean Bronze Age iconography would, however, incline one rather towards the papyrus interpretation, especially as the size of the depicted plant is close to that of papyrus and not P. maritimum.

PINUS sp. (Fig. 8:IV)

In Room 5 of the West House, on the south wall above Town IV, the artist intended to convey the idea, I believe, of the existence of a pine forest (Φ 38, Φ 43, Φ 45, Φ 48, Φ 41 and Φ 69), contrary to what Höckmann (1978, 607) stated.⁽³⁸⁾ The impressionistic manner in which the trees are drawn makes it clear that the artist had actually seen a pine forest (Televantou 1994, 251).

Because of the flat-topped crowns and the divisions of the branches high on the trunks of the trees, Morgan (1988, 18) is inclined to believe that these are umbrella pines (P. pinea).⁽³⁹⁾ Another possibility might be Aleppo pines (P. halepensis), but the shape of their tops and the tall, slender appearance of the trees in the frieze argue against this option.

THE AQUATIC PLANTS (Fig. 8:I,VI,XII)

There are several plants on the wall paintings which remind one of the proximity of water.⁽⁴⁰⁾ A very important group are the reeds (Φ 20, Φ 21) in the West House, and the wall painting of reeds (F 9) in Room 3b, Xeste 3. These most probably portray Arundo donax (Fig. 8:I), the giant reed, although Phragmites communis, the common reed, has also been mentioned (Negbi 1978, 649), despite the fact that the inflorescence of the former is very characteristic which makes it difficult to confuse with Phragmites (Fig. 6). It is likely that Negbi had not seen the inflorescence, as it appears in a wall painting currently under restoration and discussed by Vlachopoulos (this volume). In the east frieze (West House), the reeds are shown bending towards the ground and, as this is botanically inaccurate (they tend to stand completely upright), it may be the artist's way of imparting to the spectator the idea of a strong wind.

Reeds are very important plants and, although they are not domesticated, they are often planted artificially in order to act as wind breaks for other crops. Their economic uses are likewise very important, including their use in architecture. They have been found in partition walls (see Marinatos 1971, 31), were used as shelves (in the cupboard of Area 7 in the West House),⁽⁴¹⁾ and could be used for thatching, fences, mats, basketry (Morgan 1988, 20), or made into fishing rods, pens, musical pipes and walking sticks. In areas where timber is scarce, reeds are used under the clay roofs as support, a typical feature of southern Cycladic architecture as seen today, whereby wooden beams are placed at regular intervals and reeds laid above them. These are often covered by a layer of dried seaweed for insulation, before the topmost layer of impermeable soil is added. In the case of a wealthier household, the clay soil is covered by a mixture of lime and impermeable soil which is made into a kind of mortar which eventually hardens into a form of plaster.

The other plants which seem to be present in the wall paintings are the sedges, plants of the Cyperaceae family, and/or the rushes, Juncaceae, as well as reedmaces, Typhaceae.

MORUS NIGRA?

The two trees from the north frieze (Φ 2 and Φ 3) (Fig. 8:IX) are extremely interesting. Televantou (1994, 250) classifies them under the heading of unknown trees, but they have tentatively been identified by Morgan (1988, 18) as fig trees, Ficus carica. However, the artist has conveyed several semiotic signals. The first and most important one is that they seem to be cultivated trees, as they are carefully tended. They were planted right at the entrance of the round structure which has been identified as a fold by S. Marinatos (1974, 33) and P.M. Warren (1979, 118), or a fenced garden (περίβολος) by C.A. Televantou (1994, 273), but which could also be a threshing floor.⁽⁴²⁾ Neither a garden nor a fold needs to be completely round. One would expect both to be rectangular or square, or at least a shape with straight sides, which are the shapes we tend traditionally to recognise as gardens. As for folds, they tend usually to have a covered, or partly covered, area against the rain. These tend to be enclosed rock shelters or fenced caves and, if the environment does not provide these, shepherds often build a roughly covered space for stormy days. Thus, to my mind, the lack of any shelter precludes its use as a fold. On the other hand, its roundness, the lowness of the stone fence, and its size might rather imply a threshing floor, perhaps a communal one. On the right of the threshing floor a goatherd and a shepherd have drawn up their flocks, and on the left two rows of plants can be detected, one above the men's heads and the other above a line which seems to me to denote drystone walling. I would like to think it is evidence of terracing, in other words some form of unfenced garden (Fig. 8:V). Thus, the economic information which can be extracted is manifold. In the first place, in this society (Akrotiri?) husbandry is highly organised and intensive animal production is practised.⁽⁴³⁾ Secondly, there are wells, which imply a fairly high water-table. Thirdly, terracing is practised as well as, probably, some irrigation of gardens/fields; and fourthly, some trees are pollarded (Φ 2 and Φ 3).

The style of the trees hardly reminds one of fig trees. The fig tree forms smaller branches vertical to the main ones and various suckers are left to grow, whereas on the wall painting (Fig. 8:IX) we seem to see very long branches which spring out of the stem without vertical twigs. Moreover, fig trees are not planted near wells,⁽⁴⁴⁾ or other artificial water sources for that matter, as they are considered detrimental to these and are thought to divert the faults which facilitate the tapping of water. Therefore, they must have been trees which do not form excessively deep roots. Furthermore, fig trees are not pollarded, unlike these two trees. The large size of the leaves, the round dark fruit (Morgan 1988, 18), the pollarding and their economic use as edible fruit for humans and as animal fodder⁽⁴⁵⁾ would argue in favour of the black mulberry tree, Morus nigra.⁽⁴⁶⁾ Whatever the case, it would represent late spring or summer when the leaves have had time to reach maturity.

In conclusion, it could be said that plants are not treated as decorative features but are chosen because of their symbolic value (red lilies, papyrus), their economic value (papyrus, saffron crocus, Cistus), or else denote some environmental niche (for example, a forest symbolised by pine trees; marshes and rivers by aquatic plants, or an anthropogenic environment by cultivated trees). In other words, there is a continuous dialogue between nature (represented by a selected repertoire of what actually exists in the Mediterranean environment) and culture (in the sense that the plants are imbued with some meaning, some form of visual words or semiosis).⁽⁴⁷⁾

THE ARCHAEOBOTANICAL STUDY OF AKROTIRI, THERA

We should point out that very few of the plants depicted on the wall paintings have been recovered archaeobotanically. However, there are reasons for this phenomenon. It may be that these plants, if brought back to the settlement, would have been brought as flowers. Flowers, as we know, are preserved only very rarely and under specific conditions such as extreme desiccation, and, therefore, are found only in tombs in Egypt. If they were planted within the settlement, in the so-called 'flowerpots',⁽⁴⁸⁾ their bulbs would have survived only under special taphonomic conditions which were probably not present at Akrotiri. They would need to have been charred, and for charring to occur on bulbs buried in soil very high temperatures would have to have been reached. At Akrotiri, there is so far no evidence for the attainment of such high temperatures during the destruction phase. The lack of burned wood is a good indication of this. The only bulb which seems to have been recovered is an onion from Delta 2 (Marinatos 1971,43),⁽⁴⁹⁾ and, if the identification is correct, it was charred when in storage. Temperatures attained could only char seeds. The botanical material which does survive, therefore, is mostly stored products: in other words, economic plants, such as cereals, pulses and so forth, or else plants found on floors or in/on other artefacts. So far, the only archaeobotanical study carried out has been of seeds. Study of other macroscopic archaeobotanical categories, such as wood charcoal⁽⁵⁰⁾ and vegetative organs (roots, tubers, corms, rhizomes, etc.) has not been undertaken but needs to be pursued. We also lack evidence for microscopic archaeobotanical material such as pollen⁽⁵¹⁾ and phytoliths. Consequently, in order to have a complete picture of the Theran flora, we need a team of at least four archaeobotanists to work together. At the moment the team has been increased by the addition of an anthracologist and a palynologist.

Of all the plants depicted, there is evidence for olive (wood⁽⁵²⁾ and stones) and pine,⁽⁵³⁾ while a fragment of a shell may have come from a pine kernel (Fig. 3). Hopefully, a larger piece or, preferably, a whole pine nut might be found in the future. There are impressions of what seems to be Arundo donax, and shelves of the cupboard in Area 7 in the West House and in Delta 2 are of reeds. Although several baskets have been discovered, the systematic identification of plant material for basketry has not yet been undertaken (see Beloyianni this volume). It is probable that Vitex agnus castus would have been used for baskets, as well as Juncus, palm and other plants. As far as fruit trees are concerned, seeds of Ficus carica, the fig, have been found in great quantities at Akrotiri, but so far no seeds have been found of Morus. This might be explained by the fact that figs are often stored for the whole year round and their chances of preservation are therefore quite high, as they can be exposed to charring, whereas mulberry is generally eaten in the field as it is a fruit that does not travel well. On the other hand, it is a very useful fodder plant in late summer and early autumn, when pasture is at its scarcest. Because the fruit would have been eaten near the trees and not stored, the mulberries' chances, though, of being trapped in an archaeobotanical assemblage are rather low, unless the wood was used within the site.

EPILOGUE

The wall paintings provide a rather different set of information about the environment, whether natural or man-made, from that provided by the archaeobotanical data. The information is restricted by certain iconographic conventions, and therefore we do not know whether the landscapes depicted are real or imaginary, whether they are local or foreign. The advantage they offer is in the form of the cultural signals which are related/connected to the flora of both natural and anthropogenic environments. We need to decipher this iconographic language. We need to break the code in order to make it intelligible, just as the signals of our own cultural iconography are intelligible to our own cultural κοινή. Archaeobotany provides the tangible evidence, whereas iconography takes it further, into the realm of metaphysics and visual language. Furthermore, it also portrays the flora in its live state, including parts of it which would be unlikely to be found in the archaeological record of the prehistoric Aegean.

The most important dimension which the paintings convey is the cultural meaning attributed by people to the plants. This aids us in deciphering the economic chain in which these plants are involved, and gives us insight into the economic as well as social questions surrounding them. What is most striking is the closeness of the inhabitants of urban Akrotiri to their environment, their interdependence with it, and their implicit search for meanings (social, economic, religious) drawn from their surroundings rather than beyond. This joie de vivre and contentedness is expressed in their apparently total appreciation of what they have and see around them every day.

APPENDIX: LIST OF PLANTS DEPICTED IN THE THERAN WALL PAINTINGS

Key to where found today: (S) = Santorini; (?S) = possibly naturalised on Santorini; (C) = Crete; (M) = mainland Greece (referred to only in cases where a plant is not found on Santorini or Crete).

       Arundo donax (S) (C) (Figs. 5:IX, 8:1(Φ 2)) (giant reed) is the largest grass and quite common in damp places, ditches and so forth. The inflorescence (Fig. 1:F 9), ca. 70 cm. long, appears on two year old stems and flowers in August to December (Polunin and Huxley 1978: 199). Reeds are mostly not shown flowering, except for a few examples which are discussed elsewhere (see Vlachopoulos this volume) and which can be identified as A. donax rather than Phragmites australis (see the inflorescence in Fig. 6). Doumas named the frieze of Room 3b, Xeste 3, 'The Reeds'.

        Cistus creticus (S) (C) (Fig. 5:VI(F 8)) (C. incanus subsp. creticus) (rock rose) (Amigues 1988, 234; Marinatos 1976, 37). These could also be wild roses (Rosa sancta or cf. R. gallica) (Hurst 1967, 63) since they appear in the form of a bunch of picked flowers, for we know that rock roses, unlike roses, drop their petals as soon as they are picked.

        Chamaerops humilis (S) (C) (Fig. 8:X-XI(type B)) (dwarf fan palm) (see Phoenix) (cf. P. theophrasti W. Greuter). It is more likely to have been the dwarf palm as it is a European native (Blamey and Grey-Wilson 1993, 502) and seems to be found wild in Crete, Naxos, Zakynthos and other areas (Velitzelos 1990, 407). Morgan (1988, 29) argues for this species.

       Compositae (S) (C) (Fig. 5:V(F 18)) (daisy family) (Doumas 1992, 131). It is such a large plant family that the schematic design could represent any of the numerous daisies. (Fig. 1:F 19: Doumas 1992, 17).

       Crocus cartwrightianus (S) (C) (Fig. 5:II; Fig. 1:F 2, F 5 (crocus on 'Crocus gatherers' frieze) (wild saffron), identified by Diapoulis (1980, 133). Doumas (1992, 130) refers to the 'crocus gatherers' as collecting saffron crocuses and does not designate a species; Morgan (1988, 29) believes the priestess in Room 4 (West House) has 'stigmas' of saffron over the brazier, and it has been noticed by the present author that their colour is yellow and not dark orange. It is known that the yellow stamens of the saffron are not considered to be of the same quality as the orange styles and are often separated and sold separately. On Santorini today both yellow (stamens) and orange (styles) are used together (Blamey and Grey-Wilson 1993, 498). They are wrongly called 'stigmas' by most scholars.

The woman with the 'bouquets' (Xeste 3, Room 3b, west frieze) holds a yellow cloth(?) which has crocuses drawn on it (Fig. 1:F 6).

       Crocus sativus (C)⁽⁶⁸⁾ (Fig. 1:F 2, F 5) (cultivated saffron). Douskos (1980, 141, 143-144) considers this to be C. sativus, but is not sure and says that it could be C. cartwrightianus. See also Damianos and Demoussis 1993; Skoula and Kamenopoulos 1996.

       Cyperus papyrus (Figs. 2:Φ 24, Φ 33, 4:I(F 10), 7:X(F 16), 8:VII(Φ 17) (papyrus). The papyrus is a common theme of Late Bronze Age art. Warren (1976) has discussed in detail the reasons why he identifies the plant in Room 1 of the House of the Ladies (F 10), as papyrus rather than Pancratium maritimum (S) (C) (Marinatos 1972, 39). He also believes that it is a plant which could have grown in the Aegean in the Bronze Age. N. Marinatos (1984b), Rackham (1978, 757), Morgan (1988, 22) and Walberg (1992, 242) also argue against the identification of P. maritimum (see also Televantou 1994, 248), but Rackham does not believe that papyrus could have grown wild in the Aegean "because of the lack of wetlands" (Rackham 1978, 757). However, he tends to forget that Greece up to the beginning of this century had many more wetlands than it has now, these having been drained as part of a programme for eradicating malaria. In the past, several areas of Greece must surely have had swamps and marshland, so that the natural environment which could have encouraged the growing of papyrus would have been present. I would rather believe either that economic constraints made it more beneficial to import papyrus from other countries, such as Egypt, rather than cultivate it, or else that papyrus was present in the Aegean but, as a result of various environmental and anthropogenic factors (just as in Egypt today),⁽⁶⁹⁾ could have been exterminated. Negbi (1978, 649 n.10), on the other hand, is the only scholar who sees Cyperus longus L. as more likely for Φ 17 and Φ 24, but this hardly seems probable.

       Cyperus sp./ Cyperaceae (Fig. 8:I,III) (sedges). Morgan (1988, 19) believes that for Φ 34, Φ 4, Φ 13, Φ 25, Φ 30 of the 'Nilotic landscape' no precise botanical identification can be made, but she makes some suggestions. One of her suggestions is Cyperus esculentus and another is C. longus (also Negbi 1978, 649). In this she differs from Televantou (1994, 250) who attributes them to the chaste tree (see Vitex agnus castus). I would be more inclined to agree with Morgan, as the plants in the east frieze seem to be devoid of leaves (unlike the chaste tree, which has leaves) but have terminal spikelets. Hansen (1971, 156) mentions only C. rotundus L. (S)⁽⁷⁰⁾ as existing today on Santorini. However, they could also have been a Schoenus sp., as this plant has been identified archaeobotanically.

       Elymus arenarius (a grass). Morgan (1988, 20) tried to identify the more fleshy grasses (Φ 1, Φ 7, Φ 8, Φ 15α-β, Φ 22-23, Φ 27, Φ 36, Φ 37, Φ 49) and, although she claims that identification is impossible, she suggests these could be lyme grass and/or Zostera sp. (eel-grass). Both are soil-, sand-and mud-binding grasses whose creeping rhizomes consolidate drifting sand (cf. the grasses planted, or at least encouraged to grow, around Town IV of the south frieze). Hubbard (1968, 107) claims that E. arenarius is widespread in north and north-west Europe, but there is no mention of it for the Mediterranean. However, there is no indication that the plants represented belong to the grass family (Gramineae) as the leaves are not very slender, and Televantou (1994, 251) refers to them as bushes. Negbi (1978, 649) identifies them as Typha sp. (reedmace).

       Ficus carica (S) (C) (fig). Morgan (1988, 18) has identified Φ 2 and Φ 3 as fig trees, but this identification seems improbable. They represent trees that are pollarded, and fig trees do not belong to this category. They remind one rather of Morus trees (mulberries), and in particular Morus nigra (see below), the black mulberry.

       Hedera helix (C) (Fig. 7:XII(F 13)) (ivy) (Doumas 1992, 110). The ivy is also a favourite decorative design, and although it is not a plant characteristic of the present dry environment of the Cyclades it could be a symbol for wooded areas and, by extension, a symbol for the 'untamed'. Walberg (1992, 244) mentions that the earliest ivy motif is found on a Gournia sherd (EM III) and is a common motif. However, she does not attribute any religious connotations to it.

       Ignota (Fig. 8:V(F 20)): two rows of unidentified, but cultivated, crops (to the left of the well). As they are in rows, they are possibly garden crops.

       Iris sp. (S) (C) (Fig. 5:VIII(F 3)). Amigues (1988, 233) is in favour of identification as an iris (cf. also Porter this volume), but since nobody else has referred to it in this way, it has been omitted from Fig. 1 as being very unlikely.

       Lilium chalcedonicum (M) / L. candidum (C) (Figs. 5:IV(F 7), 8:II(F 1)) (lily). The so-called lilies of Thera are a combination of two species, the red L. chalcedonicum and the white Madonna lily (F 3, F 7, F 1, F 12) (Cerceau 1985, 181-182; Rackham 1978, 756). In real life, the flowers of the white lily are upright, whereas those of the red lily curl outwards. The artist a) had never seen lilies in real life, b) drew them from memory, and could not remember how they were in real life, or c) was not interested in depicting faithfully the characteristics of a single species, but chose to draw a mixture of characteristics, as Bronze Age artists quite freqently did (inter alia Televantou 1994, 161; Rackham 1978, 756; Cerceau 1985, 181). The only depiction of a white lily comes from Xeste 3, Room 3b (the three women with the bouquets of flowers).

       Morus nigra (S) (C) (Fig. 8:IX(Φ 2)). Mulberry is a native of Iran and its neighbouring countries. Its date of introduction into postglacial Greece is not known. It was known to have existed in ancient Greece at least, as it was mentioned by Greek writers.

      Myrtus communis (C) (Figs. 5:VII(F 4), 7:XIV(F 11)) (myrtle) (Doumas 1992, 129). F 4, however, is more like olive (cf. Olea).

       Olea europaea (?S) (C) (Fig. 5:VII(F 4)) (cultivated olive). The cultivated olive has not been found depicted on the Theran wall paintings, except as a piece of jewellery (F 4) (cf. Myrtus).

       Omithogalum nutans (C)⁽⁷³⁾ (Fig. 4:I) (star of Bethlehem). Although the plants found in the House of the Ladies are identified by most as papyrus (see Cyperus papyrus), S. Marinatos (1972, 39) initially identified them as O. nutans. He eventually opted for P. maritimum.

       Pancratium maritimum L. (S) (C) (sea daffodil) (Diapoulis 1980, 138 (F 10); Doumas 1992, 36 (F 10); Baumann 1993, 174). S. Marinatos (1972, 39, pl. 11) identified the plants in the House of the Ladies as sea daffodils.

       Phoenix sp. (Fig. 7:XI(F 17)) (palm, cf. P. dactylifera) (Doumas 1992, 184).

       Phoenix sp. (cf. P. dactylifera L.) (?S)(?C) (date-palm) (type A). Rackham (1978, 757; also Televantou 1994, 245-248) believes that two kinds of palm tree are depicted on the east frieze of Room 5 (West House).

       P. theophrasti W. Greuter (C) (Fig. 8:X,XI) (Cretan palm) (type B). Because of its habit of forking, this seems a less likely identification than Chamaerops humilis. Nevertheless, it is very probable that its prehistoric distribution was more extensive than its modern one. Relict stands have been noted in Crete, and two natural stands have also been found in Turkey (Velitzelos 1990, 408).

       Pinus sp. (?S)⁽⁷⁴⁾(C) (Fig. 8:IV) (pine tree) (Morgan 1988, 18; Televantou 1994, 251). The impression that one forms is that it is umbrella pine (Pinus pinea L.). Polunin and Huxley (1978, 54) claim that the country of origin of this species is not known, although de Rougemont (1989, 332) states that it is "a native of the northern Mediterranean shores, from Turkey to the Atlantic coasts of Spain and Portugal". It would have provided the protein rich kernels which would have been used in foods. However, no nuts have yet been found archaeobotanically. Another possibility is the Aleppo pine (P. halepensis Mill.) which is a very important tree in economic terms. Its timber is widely used, amongst other things for ship building, house building and fuel (Polunin and Huxley 1978, 54), and it is also tapped for resin, the ρετσίνα used in resinated wine and tar.⁽⁷⁵⁾

       Reeds (Fig. 8:I(Φ 28),VI(Φ 69),XII(Φ 8)) (unknown - cf. Arundo donax).

       Rosa sp. (C) (Fig. V:VI(F 8)) (rose). This could be Rosa sancta or R. gallica (Hurst 1967, 63), or, I believe, the rock rose (see Cistus). Baumann (1993, 77) believes Homer's roses to be R. canina.

       Schoenus sp. (sedge) (see Cyperus sp.).

       Vitex agnus castus (S) (C) (Figs. 7:XIII(F 15), 8:III(Φ 13)) (chaste tree) (Marinatos 1976, 14 (λύγος), pl. 15; Doumas 1992, 188; Televantou 1994, 363 for Δ17). Televantou (1994, 250) describesa chaste tree with blue flowers from Xeste 3, without mentioning which room it comes from. Unfortunately, I have been unable to find a picture with blue flowers which fits this example. As the chaste tree has flowers in various shades of violet-blue or, more rarely, pink, and its leaves are distinctly palmate, the Δ 17 example could be attributed to this plant. However, the plants in the 'Nilotic landscape' have no leaves, just inflorescences. As a result, they are more likely to belong to the Cyperaceae or Juncaceae.

(1).      Anna Michailidou should, hopefully, pursue this in the future as she has studied the function of the upper floors; see Michailidou 1990 and in press.

(2).      The miniature frescoes from the West House have been interpreted as a visual interpretation of "an epic or heroic transformation of historical experience that implies the existence of contemporary poetry" (Morris 1989, 511; cf. Thomas 1992).  

(3).      See Warren (1984) on squills (Urginea maritima).

(4).      Several scholars refer to Xeste 3 as having a religious function, among them Doumas (1992, 128), Marinatos (1984b) and Niemeier (1992, 98).

(5).      The botanical study of this building and its storage spaces does not suggest an overt religious function, contrary to the view of N. Marinatos (1983) who considers it a cult centre (especially Rooms 4 and 5 where the bathroom bench (4a) served, according to her, a religious purpose); but see Michailidou 1990 for a different interpretation. It is interesting to note that, on her last page, Marinatos (1983, 19) refers to it as a "Tempelwirtschaft" and attributes ceremonial as well as industrial functions to it; she also claims that public and private sectors could overlap. As it is, the archaeobotanical material recovered from the bothros (sewer) of 4a seems to be typical of a latrine area, i.e. fly pupae, mineralised seeds of figs, etc..

(6).      Walberg (1992, 243) believes that lilies "played some role in Minoan religion from the Middle Minoan period onwards".

(7).      I do not think it a coincidence that none of the crocus gatherers have red lilies on their garments (an absence symbolising celibacy(?)), whereas the older woman holding a bouquet (Room 3b, first floor) has a design of red lilies on her bodice. Could this be an indication that she was married? Davis (1986, 403-404) refers to the three women as belonging to the fifth stage of maturity (adult) and presumably married. However, they are considered to be younger than the women in the House of the Ladies, who have strokes of red in the whites of their eyes, possibly, according to her, denoting "the bloodshot eyes of the aged".

(8).      Warren (1979, 122) claims that it reminds him of the area around Gazi, east of Herakleion, while Gesell (1980, 198) recognises Crete, especially Palaikastro (also MacGillivray 1992) and Pseira in the Mochlos area.

(9).      See Niemeier 1992, 99 n.29 for full references. He is not convinced by the idea of a 'ίερός γάμος', however.

(10).     A quantity of imported pottery (mainly from the mainland) has been discovered in the building. The evidence for textile production also points in the direction of foreign trade.

(11).     The only depiction of white lilies from Akrotiri comes from Xeste 3, Room 3b, first floor, from the wall painting of the women with bouquets of flowers. For the best illustration so far, see Lazarides 1973-74, fig. 31. I would like to thank P. Warren for supplying this reference.

(12).     However, I believe that in future it will be important to observe where lilies are depicted.

(13).     See Rackham 1978, 756 and the appendix of plants at the end of the article.

(14).     Room Delta 2 (Marinatos 1971, 20-21) could have been a bedroom-cum-eating space. It contained "all kinds of jars full of eatables and drinks" (Marinatos 1971, 43) and, of course, a bed was also found in it.

(15).     There is, however, some debate about this description. N. Marinatos (1984b) and W-D. Niemeier (1992, 103-104) would like to see Room Delta 2 as a shrine or as having some ritual/religious connection. They believe it had a ritual function as well as being a 'bedroom', and attribute to it the possible role of a repository for cult paraphernalia (Marinatos 1983; Niemeier 1992, 99-100).

As far as Room 4 of the West House is concerned, several aspects of the architecture support the 'bedroom' interpretation: for example, the measurements of the room (Marinatos 1974, 20, 25; Palyvou 1988; Kopaka 1990; Michailidou in press), its proximity to a 'reception' area, the symbolism of the wall paintings (Televantou 1990, 310 fig. 1) which represent boat cabins with distinct signs of privacy 'signified' by the depiction of hides acting as 'screens'. A visit to Room 4a, the toilet, could have been made by visitors without the need to intrude into Room 4, which could have been separated by a curtain from the corridor (Televantou 1990, 311 fig. 3). If we want to let our imagination roam free, this curtain could have been a ship's cabin's hide. Thus, the visitor would have passed in front of the priestess (who would have signalled the end of the official-cum-sacred space, especially as she faced Room 5) and would have been transferred to private space (the ship cabin paintings), and then led to neutral ground (Room 4a, the toilet, which only had plain plaster to a certain height). If our interpretation is right, the need for a sense of privacy must have been well developed amongst the 'bourgeoisie' of Thera.

(16).     See Michailidou in press for the attribution of dual functions to these rooms.

(17).     There seems to have been a bench for grinding corn on the east wall of this room.

(18).     Hollinshead (1989) claims that it does not represent spring but summer. However, I am not convinced by this, as the summer would have been too dry for lilies to flower on Thera. We have to take into account that the Cyclades are one of the driest areas of Greece, so that plants generally would flower earlier in the year. As far as Hollinshead's interpretation of the swallow scenes as referring to the feeding of offspring rather than mating is concerned, I would not want to argue on this aspect of bird ethology; however, whatever the relationship, whether 'flirting' or 'feeding', both express the deep feelings which give the scenes their peculiar quality.  

(19).     I strongly believe that we have barely touched on the semiotic meaning of plants, which is a theme which needs to be investigated both diachronically and inter-culturally. Something of the sort has already been tackled by J. Goody (1993) in his very important book on the culture of flowers.

(20).     S. Marinatos (1972, 196) at first thought they were dogs but later revised his opinion when the pieces were put together (Marinatos 1972, 38) and recognised them as calves. However, there still seems to be some controversy about these animals, which are sometimes thought to be goats.

(21).     On Santorini today, saffron gathering lasts, officially, from the 8th of November (the feast of the Archangels Gabriel and Michael) to Saint Nicholas's day, the 6th of December.

(22).     This belief runs contrary to what some have argued; for example, I. Douskos (1980, 141) states that it was C. sativus, but later in the text seems rather unsure whether it is the domesticated or the wild species (C. cartwrightianus) (ibid., 143). In a later article (Tzachili 1994, 14) she plumps for the wild species, but gives no reason for her choice.

(23).     Warren (1995, 980) states how Minoan artists (Therans seem to have copied this characteristic) used essential characteristics in order to advance factual knowledge, and therefore translated "the material world to manmade visual images". They therefore, according to Warren, started from something specific in the real world.

(24).     Davis (1986, 401) places her, on the basis of her hairstyle, in stage one of youth but probably older than the fisherboys.

(25).     Davis 1986, 401, where Davis places them, again based on their hairstyles, to stage three of youth (the blue lines in the eyes emphasise the youthfulness of the figures, as does the smallness of the breasts).

(26).     Perhaps the depiction of the goddess is a semiotic convention for representing the peak of youth, the age of nubility.

(27).     The three baskets seem to be of the same type, and look as though they hold the same volume of flowers. In other words, the production of the women gatherers was standardised, and could readily be estimated by a centralised control. I believe that it may provide an indication that gathering was not done on a household level, since in that case personalised containers would have been used and only the final product brought to the central buying agent would have been standardised. It therefore seems possible that the central collecting point rapidly tallied the quantities brought in through counting the standardised baskets.

(28).     S. Amigues (1988, 231) noticed that the basketful which the crocus gatherer offers to the 'goddess' consists of whole flowers, whereas in the second basket, which the monkey offers to the 'goddess', only the styles are shown (Fig. 2III; Televantou 1992, pl. XLII:c).

(29).     Intensive labour is required to produce saffron. 4,000 styles are required to produce an ounce of dye (Polunin and Huxley 1972, 223), and elsewhere it is variously estimated that between 75,000 and 400,000 styles are necessary to produce 1 lb. of saffron (de Rougemont 1989, 303). It has also been estimated (de Rougemont 1989, 125) that 100,000 flowers provide 5 kg. of styles, which are reduced to 1 kg. after drying. Because of its high colouring qualities, one part of saffron can dye the equivalent of 100,000 times its volume of water.

(30).     De Rougemont (1989, 303) very interestingly states that although saffron contains a very high proportion of yellow dye, because it is water soluble it is not suitable for fabrics. Frangaki (1969, 93) also states that she has not found any mention, either written or in other sources, of the use of saffron as a dye for woollens in Crete. Basker and Negbi (1983, 230), however, seem to take for granted that saffron is used as a dye. Although they too mention that it is water soluble, they state that both wool and silk need to be "mordanted with alum, and then steeped in the dye solution until the desired shade is obtained".

(31).     Frangaki (1969, 33) claims that it could dye cotton cloth bordeau red, but it was probably also used to dye other material, such as linen or silk (see Panagiotakopulu et al. 1997). The woman seems to be holding a yellow saffron-coloured cloth on her left arm and, on her right, a bordeau cloth. Could these represent the dyes from the stamens (yellow) and from the styles (orange to red)? If so, it would imply that these were separated in Late Bronze Age Akrotiri and used for different colours. There are also indications of the production of porphyra (Murex spp.) at Akrotiri (see Karali-Yannacopoulou 1990, 411), so different shades of reds, purples and blues could also have been achieved with these.

(32).     Davis (1986, 403-404) refers to women of this category as in the fifth stage of her age gradations, and describes them as adult and presumably married women. She rests her interpretation on three pictorial signals: the fuller and larger breasts, the lack of blue strokes in the eyes and the fact that their hair is bound up with cloth.

(33).     I believe there is a connection with cistus as this plant is shown with one of the ladies. However, another interpretation could be suggested. Is the difference of colour (yellow and red) indicative of the fact that they separated the styles (orange) from the stamens (yellow) and produced two colours of material? Could it mean that cistus also contributed something to this red colour?

(34).    Marinatos (1984a) and Walberg (1992, 244) amongst others attribute a religious connotation to the palm, and Walberg identifies the iconography as beginning in the Middle Minoan period. 

(35).     Velitzelos (1990) has found both Chamaerops humilis and Phoenix theophrasti in the fossil palaeoflora.

(36).     Morris (1989, 516) states that it is an "environment too typical of the Aegean to claim a specific identity".

(37).     Papyrus is currently growing in the Chania museum.

(38).     Höckmann (1978, 607) stated that "trees of any kind were uncommon subjects, probably of foreign origin, for the local artists of Thera". This statement is, I believe, incorrect and can be refuted by the way in which the artists depicted trees in the miniature wall paintings of Thera.

(39).     It is claimed by Polunin and Huxley (1978, 54) that P. pinea did not exist in Greece in the Bronze Age. However, de Rougemont (1989, 332) disagrees, arguing that it is a tree of the northern Mediterranean shores from Turkey to the Atlantic. Only if further finds of what seems to be P. pinea are found in the archaeobotanical material can we be sure of the presence of this species on Thera.

(40).     P.M. Warren (1995, 978) believes that, as a result of less aridity in the Bronze Age in Crete, marshy and damper areas would have existed. If Crete was damper, then Thera surely would also have been damper. As it is, there are indications which tend to support this belief.

(41).    Rackham (1972a, 295) found impressions of reeds which he tentatively identified as Phragmites communis (see below, Appendix under Arundo donax for discussion).

(42).    G. Gesell (1980, 198) refers to it as a fence.

(43).    The existence of separate herds of sheep and goat implies intensive and specialised exploitation.

(44).    See Warren 1979, 118 for the interpretation of this square strucrure as a well.

(45).     Leaves of mulberry trees, both white and black, are still used as fodder for sheep and goats in Crete.

(46).     The earliest archaeobotanical find in Greece comes from seventh century BC Samos (Kučan 1995), but there is a possibility of an earlier introduction in the Bronze Age. If the suggested interpretation of the round structure as a threshing floor is correct, the planting of trees which produce crops at the same time as threshing (May to July) makes good sense. On the other hand, the fig tree produces crops in late July and August in Thera, after threshing has been completed.

(47).     In addition to the cluster of pine trees denoting forest and the aquatic plants denoting marshes, tended trees would denote a park/garden and the pollarded trees would denote an orchard and plant husbandry.

(48).    I have a strong feeling that the so-called 'flower-pots' on Thera were used for the planting of bulb plants. This is because of their narrow, deep shape (approximately 17->20 cm.) which is particularly appropriate for planting bulb species in which the root system goes straight downwards and does not form long side roots like those of other plants.

(49).     I have so far not been able to find it and verify the identification.

(50).     This is currently being undertaken by Mrs Nikolien Bottema of Gröningen University for the West House.

(51).     Theran palaeosols have been collected by an I.G.M.E. team headed by Dr. Vouyioukalakis, and the pollen within these soils has been studied by Dr Ioakeem, a palynologist.

(52).     P-1601 in Michael 1978 was Olea sp..

(53).    Samples P-1602 and P-1893 in Michael 1978, 792 are pine (Pinus sp.). P-1890 (Weinstein and Betancourt 1978) is also Pinus sp..

(54).     The numbers are mine.

(55).     This is probably Cistus incanus L. subsp. creticus (L.) Hey. (Tutin et al. 1968), since ladanum was extracted from this plant.

(56).     The flower is identified as Cistus sp. although it is rather schematically drawn. It seems to have four petals in the Theran painting, whereas in real life it has five petals.

(57).     Diapoulis (1980, 137) also refers to it as Pancratium maritimum.

(58).     At first S. Marinatos (1972, 39) thought it was O. nutans, but then reinterpreted it as Pancratium maritimum.

(59).     The numbers with Roman letters are mine; those with Greek letters refer to Televantou 1994.

(60).     Phoenix sp. (type A) is rather the cultivated and edible date palm (Phoenix dactylifera).

(61).     Phoenix sp. (type B) is either the dwarf palm (Chaemerops humilis), which is native to Europe and grows wild in Spain, Sicily and some areas in Greece, or the Cretan palm (P. theophrasti), which is now native to Crete but could also have been present in the rest of the Aegean. Two natural resources of this tree have been found in Turkey, which provide some indication of its wider distribution in prehistory (Velitzelos 1990). A third possible interpretation is that they represent small planted trees of P. dactylifera.

(62).     Plants from both vases have the same number, as they represent the same species.

(63).     The numbers with Roman letters are mine; those with Greek letters refer to Televantou 1994.

(64).     Phoenix sp. (type A) is rather the cultivated and edible date palm (Phoenix dactylifera).

(65).     Phoenix sp. (type B) is either the dwarf palm (Chaemerops humilis), which is native to Europe and grows wild in Spain, Sicily and some areas in Greece, or the Cretan palm (P. theophrasti), which is now native to Crete but could also have been present in the rest of the Aegean. Two natural resources of this tree have been found in Turkey, which provide some indication of its wider distribution in prehistory (Velitzelos 1990). A third possible interpretation is that they represent small planted trees of P. dactylifera.

(66).     Characterised as unknown in Televantou 1994, 250, but identified as pine trees ibid. 251.

(67).     Televantou (1994, 251) believes that these may portray olive trees. However, I strongly disagree.

(68).     The domesticated saffron was cultivated in Crete during the Turkish domination of the island.

(69).     The disappearance of papyrus from Egypt some one hundred and fifty years ago is due, amongst other factors, to the shift from the traditional 'basin' irrigation known in Egypt for thousands of years and its replacement by a permanent 'perennial' irrigation system (Zahran and Willis 1992).

(70).     There is evidence for extensive cultivation of C. rotundus recorded in the Linear B tablets from Knossos (ku-pa-ro); see amongst others Melena 1974.

(71).     Several are mineralised.

(72).     Both are mineralised.

(73).     Several species of Ornithogalum grow on Crete, such as O. creticum, O. narbonense, O. sibthorpii and some others.

(74).     Rackham (1978, 763) mentions having seen P. brutia on Santorini, bur he is almost sure that it was planted.

(75).     Rackham (1972a, 295) identified impressions of Pinus (cf. brutia?) at Early Bronze Age Myrtos.

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