Some Remarks on the Felids of Thera

LION

       Distribution and appearance

Africa was the main area of distribution of the lion in the Bronze Age, although its range also included Egypt, the Near East, Anatolia, the Balkans and the mainland of Greece. According to ancient records, the lion appeared quite often in the area between Acarnania and Thrace in the fifth century BC, but it became extinct in Greece in the first century AD. In the Argolid, the lion is at least known in the second millennium BC. So far seven lion bones have been found in LH IIIB contexts at Tiryns (von den Driesch and Boessneck 1990, 87-164, pls. 54-57). Cuts on a humerus suggest that lion meat was eaten, perhaps for religious reasons.

Lions were not indigenous on the Greek islands, although on Kea two lion's teeth have been found in an LM IB/LH II context (Morgan 1988, 45). On the other hand, seals from Minoan and especially Mycenaean contexts show that the artists were familiar with lions and their hunting methods. On these, however, as in Egyptian art, the male lion is depicted as hunter, whereas in reality the female lions hunt in groups of two or more.

Finds of lion bones are also relatively rare in Egypt. Two burnt lion bones have been discovered in a Neolithic settlement context at Merimde-Benisalâme in the western Delta (von den Driesch and Boessneck 1985, 45-46). However, in historical times the lion was no longer very common in Egypt. From the Old Kingdom onwards it, like other large carnivores, was in retreat to the south as a result of advanced hunting methods and competition from man. Nevertheless, the appearance of lions in wall paintings and reliefs indicates their distribution at least within the pharaonic sphere of influence. From Early Dynastic times onwards, the contexts in which lion bones are found suggest that lions were kept as favourite animals or pets in royal zoos, and there are so far no indications that lion meat was eaten. Bones of at least seven lions have been discovered in the course of re-examination of the Early Dynastic cemerery at Abydos, and that these belong to animals which had been kept in captivity is shown by their pathological modifications (Boessneck and von den Driesch 1990, 86-89). The lion bones from the palace area of Pi-Ramesses in the eastern Delta, dating from the New Kingdom, also show that lions were held in captivity, in this case in a form of royal zoological garden together with giraffes and elephants (Boessneck and von den Driesch 1982, 137-138).

A reconstruction of the appearance of the Greek lion is difficult, due to numerous Egyptian and Near Eastern influences on Minoan and Mycenaean artists. According to Hemmer (1966, 297-333), the shape of the head of the Greek lion corresponds to that of the Asiatic and African lion. Four types of mane appear, with intermediate versions between them. In some representations there seems to be hair on the belly, indicating a mane. A mane on the belly is not seen on Egyptian lions (Hemmer 1963, 117-128), except in prehistoric art, when it is possibly due to Near Eastern influences.

The black hair tuft at the tip of the lion's tail is depicted as a blob in Aegean art, as in Egyptian wall paintings and reliefs. It is not depicted anatomically correctly in Egyptian paintings, and sometimes the end of the tail is merely a bit thicker, indicating that it is a lion that is meant.

In the Thera paintings the lions display two shades of yellow fur, possibly in order to distinguish between male and female lions (Morgan 1988, 44). The lion in a painting from the Fifth Dynasty at Saqqara (Moussa and Altenmüller 1977, 1109-1110, pl. 40) also has a yellow ochre mane and pale yellow fur (Morgan 1988, 44).

From the Old Kingdom onwards a radiating design appears on the shoulders of lions (Kantor 1947, 250-274). This ornament comes from the 'hair star', seen in nature on young lions. A similar design appears from the Eighteenth Dynasty onwards on Near Eastern lion representations, and it also seems to appear on an LM sealing from Knossos, as well as on Mycenaean representations (Rhyne 1970, 186-188).

       The lion in Egyptian and Aegean art

In Aegean iconography the lion appears mainly as a heraldic animal or in hunting contexts. In the wall paintings of Thera the lion appears as hunter in the hills above the 'Departure Town' (Morgan 1988, 44).

In the Old Kingdom tombs of nobles the lion is shown as a hunter who is never hit by an arrow himself. The lion seizes a bull by the muzzle, or kills it by breaking its back from behind. Depictions also show a lion trying to throw down antelopes and gazelles with its paw, and a lion trying to drag an antelope over a gate (Wild 1953, pl. CXXVII) (Figs. 1a-b, 2a). In the tomb of Ptahhotep (Davies 1900, pl. XXI) at Saqqara the transport of lions and leopards in strong wooden cages drawn along on sledges is shown (Fig. 2b).

The lion is also shown as a hunter in Middle Kingdom tombs. In a tomb at Beni Hassan a lion attacks a bull from the front with raised paw. This is an unusual hunting method for lions because of the dangers posed by the bull's horns. In reality, the paw raised against a stronger or bigger animal is more a gesture of defence than of attack. In another Middle Kingdom tomb a lion is depicted amongst game animals, but it is not hit by any arrow (Fig. 3a). In another scene lions are shown copulating (Fig. 3b).

In the private tombs of the New Kingdom hunting scenes become rarer. However, in an unfinished Theban tomb (TT 143: Porter and Moss 1960, 255; see also Wreszinski 1932, pl. 16, fig. 43) the king is shown spearing a lion, which he grasps by the tail (Fig. 4a). The same scene appears on a seal of Amenophis II (Wreszinski 1932, fig. 44) (Fig. 4c). This is quite an unusual scene in Egyptian iconography, possibly comparable to the scene in which the king seizes his prisoners by the hair in order to hack off their heads. On an ostracon from the Ramesside period, found near the entrance of the tomb of Tutankhamun (Carter and Mace 1927, pl. 2A), the king faces and spears a lion, which has already been hit by several arrows (Fig. 4b).

In the temples of the Ramesside period the lion appears either as a tame attendant of the king in festival or religious scenes, or is shown in the camp of the pharaoh before battle. However, it never appears as part of the actual fight.

In New Kingdom times the lion is twice shown in tribute scenes, once in a private tomb and once in the Temple of Beit el Wali (Ramses II). Lion skins, however, do not appear in tribute lists.

The lion appears in Minoan and Mycenaean art in numerous contexts, among the most popular of which are scenes showing the hunting of lions by men, and lions as hunters attacking other animals (Bloedow 1992, 296). Just as in Egypt, the lion never appears as a sacrificial animal(Bloedow 1992, 304).

In prehistoric Egypt, the lion is shown in the tomb of Hierakonpolis and on the Gebel el 'Araq knife-handle in scenes of a 'Master of Animals' or a 'hero' grappling lions; and from Dynastic times onwards the hunting of lions was the prerogative of the king. Old Kingdom tombs show preparations for the hunt by the nobles, in which the lion is never harmed. For the Middle Kingdom and the early New Kingdom literary sources indicate the hunting and taming of lions. From Tuthmosis III to Ramses III both literary and pictorial sources indicate the hunting of lions even abroad.

The Egyptians drew a distinction between lions as tame companions of the king and lions as hunted animals. The hunted lions are larger, probably in order to stress their ferocity and dangerousness. Old Kingdom representations show good observation of nature, while later depictions are mostly copies from older examples. This observation of nature does not necessarily mean that the animals are depicted anatomically correctly. The lions in the lion hunt scene of Ramses III at Medinet Habu display impossible anatomical positions, just like the lions on the reliefs of Assurbanipal. The artists were familiar with lions and their features, possibly from seeing the animals in royal zoos or zoological gardens, but not with wounded or dying lions.

All the different hunting methods of lions were well observed and depicted by both Egyptian and late Minoan/Mycenaean artists (Pini 1985, 153-166). Lions kill by breaking the neck of the animal they are attacking, either by jumping on it and biting into the neck or paralysing the animal by biting into its muzzle (Table 1). However, whereas in Egypt the lion, as a symbol of the king, is shown killing human enemies, in Aegean art the lion is not shown victorious over a human being.

The lion as a motif

The lion as a motif appears in Thera, painted on the hull of the flagship and as an ornament on the stern-posts of at least two of the ships in procession (Morgan 1988, 49). In Egyptian Old Kingdom art the lion is associated with royal objects such as furniture and thrones. By a process of democratisation, from Old Kingdom times onwards the lion motif also became available for private persons, and from the Third Dynasty onwards lion legs replace bull legs on furniture. Only the motif of addorsed lions walking away from each other, which adorned the pedestals of thrones, continued to be reserved for the king alone. On the pedestals of thrones or statues next to the king, lions sometimes gnaw at the legs of prisoners, or are shown with the heads of the enemy in their jaws.

Lion heads as motifs on ships are known from at least the early New Kingdom onwards. In the tomb of Userhet (TT 46) from the time of Amenophis II lion heads appear on the hulls of two travelling ships (Mekhitarian 1954, pl. 27; reconstructed in Landström 1970, 110, pl. 343) (Fig. 5a). At the Temple of Deir el Bahri the obelisk-carrying ships of queen Hatshepsut have a lion, a sphinx and a bull as royal symbols on the castles (Fig. 5b). The sphinx as a royal emblem also appears on the boat model from the tomb of Tutankhamun (Carter and Mace 1933, pl. 63). The warships of Ramses III in the battle against the Sea Peoples also show stern-posts in the form of lion heads with the heads of the enemy in their jaws (Nelson et al. 1930, pl. 40) (Fig. 5c).

LEOPARDS, CHEETAHS AND OTHER CATS

Leopard bones have so far only once been found in Egypt, at the Predynastic site of Maadi (Boessneck, von den Driesch and Ziegler 1989, 109). However, representations show leopards among the game animals in desert hunting scenes, while in the New Kingdom they were an object of tribute sought from Nubia. In the desert hunting scenes of the Middle Kingdom the leopard, like the lion, is never hit by an arrow or otherwise harmed by hunters. In a scene of dedication before Hatshepsut two cheetahs are depicted in one register between soldiers, while a leopard is represented in the register above (Naville 1898, pl. LXXX) (Fig. 6). In a fragmentary scene also from Deir el Bahri, showing the land of Punt, a black leopard may also appear as an inhabitant of Punt (Stevenson Smith 1965, 138, figs. 173-174).

Lions are frequently depicted together with leopards in Egyptian art, but it is sometimes difficult to disringuish between leopards and female lions, especially if the hair tuft at the end of the tailor the colours and patterns of the fur are not preserved. Leopards and lionesses show similar body features. They both have a short and heavy neck and a compact body. The cheetah by contrast is shown with a small skull, long neck and slender body, and is therefore easy to distinguish from leopards in paintings and reliefs. Although the cheetah is often depicted and mentioned in tribute lists, no cheetah bones have so far been found in Egypt. From Old Kingdom times onwards the cheetah appears with a collar round his neck and a leash, indicating its use in hunting. In the Middle Kingdom tomb of Ameni at Beni Hassan the cheetah appears in a desert hunt scene, also unharmed by the hunters (Newberry 1893, pl. XIII). The cheetah and its fur are often depicted in tombs and temples of the New Kingdom as part of the tribute from Nubia.

The serval does not appear today north of Khartoum, and its distribution is limited to Africa. Its natural occurrence in ancient Egypt is doubtful. There are no secure representations of the serval in Egyptian art, and only in the Late Period is its appearance reported amongst cat mummies (Nehring 1889, 558).

The hunting cat from Room 5 of the West House on Thera (Doumas 1992, fig. 33; Pl. 2, 3-3.40 m.) seems, from its appearance, to be a serval, but the hunting method depicted, the flying gallop, is not typical of the serval, and its tail is too long. The serval is not a very fast runner, despite its rather long legs; and, unlike the cheetah which has a long lower leg, the serval has a long metacarpus. The method of hunting depicted seems rather to be typical of the cheetah; likewise, the short skull and long tail would also point to the cheetah, although the habitat shown would not. The cheetah prefers dry savanna vegetation, while the serval, by contrast, is limited to where there is occurrence of water (Ronnefeld 1969, 289-291, 336-338). The habitat shown in the fresco would thus meet the demands of the serval. In Egyptian art it is not uncommon to depict animals in the wrong habitat: for example, in Middle and New Kingdom tombs Felis silvestris libyca is shown in the papyrus thicket hunting scenes, although it is the right habitat for Felis chaus.

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